## I. INTRODUCTION In recent years, social media platforms have played an increasingly prominent role in mediating political discourse and shaping public perception. In Brazil, this dynamic has been especially evident during moments of institutional crisis, government transitions, and socio-political polarization. Platforms such as $X$ (formerly Twitter) and Facebook have become arenas where political actors, journalists, and citizens alike debate urgent national issues, mobilize public opinion, and construct collective narratives. These environments encourage not only the rapid circulation of information but also the emergence of creative, context-bound linguistic expressions. In this scenario, a notable phenomenon is the emergence of neologisms, particularly those formed through linguistic borrowing. Borrowed terms in Portuguese are often derived from English and are adapted and recontextualized by users to reflect, criticize, or satirize political developments. The flexibility of digital discourse, combined with its interactivity and immediacy, enables the creation and rapid dissemination of new lexical items that capture the tone and values of a specific sociohistorical moment. This study aims to describe and analyze neologisms formed through linguistic borrowing in politically oriented posts on X and Facebook between 2018 and 2021. This period was marked by heightened political activity surrounding the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro, the Covid-19 pandemic, and intensified public debates on misinformation, public health, and democratic values. In this context, users coined novel terms to express political alignment, dissent, or ironic commentary, often drawing on foreign lexical material and adapting it morphologically or semantically to conform to Portuguese linguistic norms. The theoretical framework is based on the works of Alves (2004, 2007), Biderman (1978, 1998, 2001), Carvalho (2000), Guilbert (1975), Sablayrolles (2019), among others, who provide foundational insights into the classification of neological processes and the dynamics of lexical innovation, particularly through borrowing. By analyzing fourteen representative cases of borrowed neologisms, this study highlights the intersection of linguistic creativity and political expression in digital spaces, showing how language adapts to serve both as a mirror of social reality and as a tool for criticism in polarized environments. ## II. NEOLOGISMS Neologisms are phenomena that emerge from communicative interaction and the concrete use of language by speakers, who mobilize the resources available in the linguistic system to assign new meanings to preexisting lexical units, as well as to create new word forms or incorporate elements from other linguistic systems. According to Alves (2004), the Portuguese lexicon has historically been influenced by Latin and enriched through processes such as derivation and compounding. In addition to these morphological mechanisms, other structural strategies inherent to the language also contribute to the expansion of the vocabulary. Since its formation, Portuguese has incorporated numerous borrowings resulting from contact with other languages and cultures, which highlights the ongoing lexical renewal driven by sociocultural and historical factors. Bastuji (1979), as cited by Carvalho (2006, p. 193), proposes that neologism is characterized as a two-stage process: initially, it emerges as an individual creation linked to the enunciative activity of a subject, whether identified or not; subsequently, it undergoes social diffusion, at which point the new lexical unit is adopted in different discourses or appears as a citation, gradually becoming part of the common usage of a group or the broader linguistic community. From this perspective, lexicalization serves the purpose of discursive economy by fixing mobile combinatory units into synchronically stable forms, thereby promoting the social codification of objects and concepts. Technological advancement constitutes a key factor in the creation of neologisms, as speakers are constantly engaged in interaction. The speed at which information circulates amplifies the impact of linguistic transformations. Ultimately, every neologism originates from a communicative need—whether to name something new, fill lexical gaps, construct identities, or respond to contextual demands. Barbosa (1998) presents a procedural view of neologism, outlining the various stages a neological unit undergoes: (a) the moment of creation itself; (b) the post-creation stage, which involves reception by interlocutors, their judgment of acceptability, and eventual incorporation into the vocabulary of a given sociocultural group; and (c) the moment of "deneologization", that is, when the unit ceases to be perceived as new (Barbosa, 1998, p. 35). In this regard, Carvalho (2000 p. 198) observes that many neological units tend to be forgotten, while others become fully integrated into the lexicon to the point that they are no longer recognized as neologisms. Thus, a neologism can be understood as a lexical unit perceived as "new" by a linguistic community at a given historical moment, although this condition may be temporary: the unit may fall into disuse or, alternatively, reemerge in another temporal context. Social usage is, therefore, the primary determinant of the permanence or disappearance of a new lexical unit. The process of deneologization can take two main forms: (i) the neological term may simply cease to be used; or (ii) it may be incorporated into the general dictionary of the language. As stated by Correia and Almeida (2012, p. 29), general language dictionaries seek to encompass the widest possible range of lexical units and their meanings, including not only standard forms but also colloquial, informal, specialized, and literary usages. In this sense, the dictionary plays a legitimizing role: once a neologism is recorded in such a reference work, it is no longer perceived as peripheral or provisional, but as part of the officially recognized lexical repertoire. Biderman (1978, p. 201) reinforces this perspective by describing the dictionary as the physical and institutional repository of a language's lexical heritage, capable of preserving oral lexias that might otherwise vanish, and ensuring their conservation, sometimes for centuries. The inclusion of a neologism in a general dictionary, therefore, is a strong indicator of its productivity, diffusion, and integration into the linguistic community's shared vocabulary. Accordingly, dictionary inclusion represents both a milestone in the process of deneologization and a fundamental criterion for excluding items in research focused on the identification of neologisms. Correia and Almeida (2012, p. 22) highlight that research teams working in neology, in their search for objective criteria, adopt the lexicographic criterion to delimit neological units, based on the assumption that general dictionaries reflect the state of the lexicon at a given historical moment. Neologisms ultimately depend on the actions of speakers, who create them in response to expressive and communicative needs. Sablayrolles (2019, pp. 256-270) points out that these processes of lexical creation are closely linked to the conditions of enunciation, in which the speaker introduces and conveys new lexical units. It is this movement that constitutes the structural basis of the neologism, determining its circulation and interpretative reception. As the neologism spreads, it may acquire different forms and meanings, driven by multiple motivations. Therefore, speakers occupy a central position in this process, acting as driving agents of lexical innovation and of the neological dynamic itself. ### a) Linguistic Borrowing The linguist Jean Dubois-Guilbert (1975) was one of the pioneers in recognizing the significance of linguistic evolution and, consequently, the importance of neology studies. According to his definition, neologisms may arise either from internal processes within the language itself or through the influence of external elements. Therefore, borrowings are also considered neological entities, as the author demonstrates: From the perspective of the study of neology, can borrowing be considered a linguistic creation? If it is true that it brings a new element into the national linguistic system and enriches the collection of linguistic segments endowed with meaning, one may wonder to what extent it is not a disruptive element within the system, and under what conditions it functions as an integrated element within the system. In reality, it involves the transplantation of a term created within another linguistic system according to phonetic, syntactic, and semantic rules that are not perceptible to the speaker of the community where it is introduced, except if they have a perfect knowledge of the lending language. [...] It is not the borrowing speaker who accomplishes the creation, which consists in the conscious attribution of a meaning content to the linguistic segment, or who endorses this creation by accepting and interpreting it according to the motivation that results from the relationship between its elements; rather, they receive this creation as an accomplished fact. Therefore, the neology of borrowing does not consist in the creation of the sign but in its adoption (Guilbert, 1975, p. 92) (our translation[^1]). In this vein, a foreign lexical unit is incorporated into the recipient language either in its original form or in an adapted version, respecting to a greater or lesser extent the phonetic, semantic, and syntactic rules of the new system. In such cases, the speaker adopts the ready-made item wi thout needing to create it from the internal mechanisms of the target language. For the aforementioned author, then, loanword neology is conceived as a process of adoption rather than lexical creation. The ongoing lexical renewal reinforces the view that the lexicon is an open system in a constant state of transformation. As Biderman (2001) argues, linguistic evolution ceases only with the death of the language, since its vocabulary is continually expanding. Similarly, Biderman (1978, p. 161) states that the search for greater expressiveness is intrinsic to the nature of language. Thus, even unconsciously, speakers tend to perceive the language as worn out or devoid of expressive force, which motivates the creation of new lexical forms and the adoption of borrowings as a strategy for revitalizing discourse. Correia and Almeida (2012, p. 71) present an important distinction between loanwords and foreignisms. According to the authors, a loanword refers to a lexical unit imported from another language without any formal adaptation to the recipient language system. A foreignism, on the other hand, refers to a word that was originally foreign but has been adapted to the linguistic system of the receiving language—in the case of Portuguese, that has undergone aportuguesamento (Portuguese adaptation). In certain domains of knowledge and social practice (such as information technology, sports, fashion, politics, among others), the use of terms originating from foreign languages has become common and often necessary. In many cases, these lexical items are used exactly as they appear in the source language. From the perspective of communicative functionality, using the original term may be more direct and effective than searching for an equivalent in the target language, which often fails to capture the specificity of the concept or the communicative intent involved. Alves (2007, p. 72) proposes a classification of loanword neology into four categories: foreignism, translation of foreignism, integration of loanword neologism, and calque. 1. Foreignism: "Foreignisms are typically used in contexts related to a culture that is alien or external to that of the language in focus" (Alves, 2007, p. 72). In other words, the use of a foreign lexical unit often carries a stylistic effect, aiming to evoke, express, or convey the "local color" of the foreign country or region to which it refers. Their presence is particularly frequent in technical and specialized vocabularies. Alves (2007) provides examples such as pole position, leasing, and know-how. II. Translation of Foreignism: Frequently, when a speaker uses a borrowed lexical unit (foreignism) that may not be readily understood by other speakers, it appears accompanied by a translation to clarify its meaning. This strategy ensures the communicative effectiveness of the foreign term while preserving its original form. Alves (2007, p. 76) provides the following example: "In Argentina, the Partido Blanco de los Jubilados is growing rapidly, while in the United States, the so-called gray power (o poder grisalho) is alarming all presidential candidates." III. Integration of Loanword Neologism: Alves (2007) offers an important reflection on the relationship between borrowed lexical items and the Portuguese language. According to the author, the neological phase of a foreign lexical unit begins when the item starts to integrate and interact with the recipient language. This integration may occur at the graphic, morphological, or semantic level. In such cases, the borrowed term undergoes a process of adaptation that aligns it more closely with the structural and usage norms of the target language, indicating a more advanced stage of lexical assimilation. (a) Graphic Level: Orthographic integration of foreign words does not follow a strict set of rules; however, based on borrowings that have already been assimilated and are registered in dictionaries, it can be observed that the borrowed lexical unit tends to approximate the graphic conventions of Portuguese. This process reflects the adaptation of the term to the visual and phonological patterns of the recipient language. For example, the French word tournée becomes turné in Portuguese through orthographic integration. (b) Morphological Level: An interesting phenomenon occurs when a foreign lexical item begins to generate derivatives or compounds within the recipient language. This indicates a deeper level of integration, in which the borrowed element becomes morphologically productive. One example is the compound fast-foda (Lourenço; Burgo, 2018, p. 52), used in homosexual discourse to refer to quick or casual sex. In this case, the English adjective fast ("quick") combines with the base of the Portuguese noun foda (a colloquial term for "sex"), resulting in the hybrid compound fast-foda. This instance illustrates how borrowed elements can participate in native word-formation processes, contributing to the lexical innovation of the language. (c) Semantic Level: Borrowing at the semantic level occurs when a foreign lexical item initially enters the recipient language with a single, specific meaning (i.e., as a monosemic unit). However, through frequent use and interaction with different sociocultural contexts, the term may develop additional meanings, becoming polysemic. This semantic expansion reflects the appropriation of the borrowed unit by speakers who reinterpret or adapt its meaning based on new discursive needs. An illustrative example is the expression skinhead do samba, which combines the subcultural identity associated with the English term skinhead and the Brazilian musical genre samba. In this context, skinhead acquires a localized, metaphorical meaning that diverges from its original referent, demonstrating semantic adaptation and the potential for polysemy in loanword neology. This typology proposed by Alves (2007) offers a comprehensive framework for understanding the various degrees of integration and adaptation that characterize loanword neologisms in Portuguese. From foreignisms that retain their original form and evoke external cultural references, to fully integrated items that undergo graphic, morphological, and semantic transformations, the classification illustrates how borrowed lexical units gradually become embedded in the recipient language. Such processes not only enrich the lexicon but also reflect sociocultural dynamics and the creative agency of speakers, who reconfigure foreign elements to meet local communicative and expressive needs. By distinguishing between stages of assimilation, this model provides valuable analytical tools for examining how global linguistic influences are negotiated within specific discourse communities. ### b) Morphosyntactic Aspects of Loanword Neologisms Concerning grammatical class, Alves (2007, p. 80) points out that neologisms incorporated into Portuguese are most frequently productive in the noun class, and only rarely as adjectives or verbs. However, she provides examples from the adjective class, such as the item must — a modal verb in English — which is used in Portuguese with an adjectival function, meaning "a new trend" or "something new and stylish." Another example is the noun bear (meaning "urso" in Portuguese) which, according to Lourenço and Burgo (2018), in homosexual discourse functions adjectivally to describe an overweight and hairy gay man. With respect to gender and number, Alves (2007, p. 81) explains that gender marking in borrowings tends to "follow the gender of the donor language"; for example, the Spanish foreignism recuerdo. In the case of English, which does not mark gender grammatically, Portuguese assigns gender based on its own grammatical rules, as observed in expressions such as no ranking (masculine) and na university (feminine). As for number inflection, Alves (2007) notes that in Brazilian media, the original plural form of the foreign word is often maintained; nevertheless, when the term is adapted to Portuguese, pluralization follows Portuguese morphological rules. An example of the original plural form being maintained is businessmen. ## III. METHODOLOGY We chose to use the social media platforms X and Facebook in this study because they are widely accessed and their dynamics facilitate both the rapid circulation of information and the immediate emergence of debates on a wide range of topics. X, in particular, is frequently consulted as a source for political updates, largely due to the constant activity of journalistic profiles that post real-time news. A distinguishing feature of this platform is the possibility of direct interaction between users and public figures. These interactions can vary in tone: in some contexts, they reflect cordiality and emotional proximity; in others, they take on a confrontational character, serving as a vehicle for expressing criticism, dissatisfaction, or demands related to social, political, or economic issues. Similarly, Facebook also proves to be highly productive in three key respects. Firstly, as on X, politicians or public figures use the platform to express political opinions, prompting interaction with network members. Secondly, the platform hosts thematic groups (often private) that bring together users with ideological affinities; in these spaces, participants organize to advocate for their positions or criticize their opponents. Lastly, Facebook facilitates the wide dissemination of political news and content, which holds particular relevance in the Brazilian context and is readily identifiable on the platform. Regarding search tools, X offers features that facilitate the retrieval of specific lexical items, such as its search mechanism and the "Latest" function, which displays the most recent posts. These features proved to be highly effective for the purposes of this study, enabling us to establish parameters to determine whether a given construction had been used within a specific time frame or remained in circulation at the time of the search. Importantly, we chose not to disclose the identities of users whose posts were analyzed, in order to preserve their privacy. In order to analyze the types of word formation processes potentially resulting in neologisms, we proceeded as follows: (a) to identify the lexical item; (b) to check whether the item appears in Portuguese dictionaries (Aurelio, Houaiss, Michaelis, Caldas Aulete, and Dicio); (c) to classify the type of process present in the neological construction; (d) to determine, among the processes found, which were formed by borrowings; (e) to analyze the interactional contexts in which the units were used and the meaning effects produced on the interlocutors. Following Alves (2004), we used dictionaries as a criterion to determine whether a lexical item is already integrated into the language. Because neologisms may arise from cultural trends or borrowing, they are often unstable or ephemeral. Accordingly, the dictionaries served as a lexicographic exclusion tool to confirm whether the terms identified were indeed neologisms or already part of the general lexicon. For the classification of neologisms, we sought to interpret each term by examining user interaction, aiming to uncover either an explicit explanation or an inferred motivation for its creation. Such neologisms often lack a clear meaning outside their immediate context, and this interpretive effort highlights the linguistic richness at play and contributes to the analytical depth of the research. Although usage frequency was moderate, it played an important role in identifying neological occurrences. As Borba (2003, p. 126) states, "there are words that, despite their low textual frequency, are of interest because they serve as witness words, that is, neologisms that, in a way, characterize a specific moment in social life." ## IV. DISCUSSION Loanword neologisms consist of foreign elements employed within a linguistic system different from the vernacular. Borrowings are naturally incorporated into a language in response to formal or semantic needs; the language user opts to employ the resources that best suit their communicative intentions, whether based on conventional usage or personal choice. In our data, a significant number of loanword neologisms are related to the English language, given English's global influence. The neologisms identified in our corpus were classified into foreignisms, morphological adaptations, and semantic adaptations. In what follows, we examine representative examples from each category, highlighting the linguistic strategies employed by social media users to appropriate and transform foreign lexical items. These examples illustrate not only the structural mechanisms involved in borrowing but also the socio-discursive functions that such neologisms serve in politically charged digital interactions. ### a) Foreignism In the following two examples, we identify lexical units of English origin that do not belong to the Portuguese lexical inventory; nevertheless, the semantic core of the borrowed items remains intact. (1) Minha Fanfic Perfeita: Um lake sexvideo 40 do bozo com um homem e ele sentido massacrado com uma chuva tomates com agrotóxicos e a crentalhada chorando hahahah. (Facebook) (2) My Perfect Fanfic: A lake sex video 40 of Bozo with a man and him being massacred with a rain of tomatoes with pesticides and the crowd crying hahahah. Gente, o episódio de hj da série CPI da Pandemia terminou teve um final maravilhoso! Roteirista tá de parabéns, não esperava esse plot twist no final. Quero muito ver o que vem a (X) Guys, today's episode of the series *Pandemic CPI* ended with a wonderful finale! The scriptwriter deserves congratulations, I didn't expect that plot twist at the end. I really want to see what's coming next. In example (1), a loanword neologism occurs, which consequently constitutes a foreignism. The lexical item fanfic is derived from the English expression fan fiction, meaning "fiction created by a fan." Fanics are widely known, as they are typically unofficial stories written by fans who are deeply engaged with a particular narrative (whether in the form of books, TV shows, comics, films, etc.) and wish to share their interpretations or continuations with others. In this context, speakers draw on neologism to ironically portray events from Brazilian political life as if they were fictional or potentially fabricated scenarios. As illustrated in example (2), we once again observe the occurrence of a foreignism. The English noun plot can be translated as "storyline" or "narrative," while twist conveys the idea of a "turn" or "plot twist." This foreignism typically pertains to the realm of television series and films, where an unexpected event surprises the audience; however, it has increasingly been used to refer to the Brazilian political context. ### b) Morphological Adaptations A foreignism is an element external to the mother tongue and, from a lexical perspective, does not originally belong to the language. Neologism, therefore, occurs when this external element is integrated into the vernacular. Such integration takes place at the morphological level, through the formation of derivatives and compounds. In our research, we identified five examples of this type. These instances illustrate how borrowed elements undergo adaptation processes that allow them to function productively within the target language's morphological system, thereby enriching its lexicon and expressive capacity. (3) @CarlosBolsonaro colocando os bolsobots para fazer o trabalho sujo da "familícia"... previsível! (X) @CarlosBolsonaro putting the bolsobots to do the dirty work of the "familícia"... predictable! (4) "Enorme popularidade" - eu fico imaginaro o cara escrevendo isso. Será que realmente accredita? Entre os bolso lovers e cupinchas, certamente, a popularidade é alta. Quanto ao resto da população brasileira, porém... a coisa e beeeeeeemmmmmm diferente. (X) "Huge popularity" - I keep imagining the guy writing that. Does he really believe it? Among the bolso lovers and cronies, certainly, popularity is high. But for the rest of the Brazilian population... it's reaaaally different. (5) Soundcheck no EUA tí 2mil bonsocoins eu não tenho nem 10 reais (X) The soundcheck in the US costs 2,000 Bolsocoins and I don't even have 10 reais. (6) Será que Heinze, Wizard, médicos chloroquiners, CFM e tantos outros que apoiaram esse genocide não serão responsabilizados? (X) Will Heinze, Wizard, chloroquiners doctors, CFM, and so many others who supported this genocide not be held accountable? (7) Resumão do discusso do Bolsonaro.......... \*\*\* Fakenewzento2. Não aguanto, quero u livrar no bar commeus BFFF. (Facebook) Summary of Bolsonaro's speech:........ Just a Fakenewento \*\*\*. I can't take it anymore, I want a big beer at the bar with my BFFFs. In process (3), a neological formation is observed through the integration of a loanword neologism with morphological characteristics. "Bot" is an abbreviation of robot, an English term meaning "robot." Bots imitate or replace human users on the internet, acting rapidly due to their automated nature. Consequently, speakers began using this term to refer to various fake accounts aimed at disseminating positive information about the former government. In instance (4), neological formation also occurs through the integration of a loanword neologism of morphological nature. The term "lovers," borrowed from English, means "lovers." Speakers thus coined this term to denote unconditional fans of the ex-president Jair Bolsonaro. In some instances, this process carries a humorous or ironic intent, highlighting the playful appropriation of foreign elements to construct politically engaged, and often satirical, expressions in digital discourse. As shown in example (5), we find a loanword neologism. The term "coin," which means "currency" in English, is combined with the noun "Bolso" — referring to the then-President of the Republic, Bolsonaro — to designate the name of a Brazilian currency. In this post, the user humorously employs the neologism Bolsocoins, a mock currency named after Jair Bolsonaro, to satirize economic disparity or perceived absurdities in financial priorities. The term functions as a lexical blend and political commentary, combining "Bolsonaro" with "coin" to evoke associations with crypto-assets or fictitious monetary systems linked to the Bolsonaro administration. This creative borrowing serves both as a linguistic innovation and a vehicle for sociopolitical critique within digital discourse. Referring to example (6), we observe the formation of a morphologically integrated loanword neologism. The suffix -er, borrowed from English, conveys the meaning of "one who performs the action," functioning similarly to the Portuguese suffix -or, which serves to adjectivize verbs. In this neological process, the English suffix is employed satirically to label individuals who advocate for the use of hydroxychloroquine as an "early treatment" for COVID-19. This topic was highly controversial in Brazil, with the then-president Jair Bolsonaro publicly endorsing chloroquine in 23 official speeches. In neological occurrence (7), the term fake news (false news) originates from English. In this neological formation, the borrowing of the expression fake News — an element external to the Portuguese language — is combined with a nominal suffixation process through the suffix - ento, which confers an adjectival form in Portuguese. This characterizes the integration of a loanword neologism through suffixation. In this example, we observe the creation of the neologism fakenewzento, a hybrid term that fuses the English borrowing fake news with the Portuguese suffix -ento, commonly found in pejorative adjectives such as nojento (disgusting) or barulhento (noisy). This construction intensifies the critical tone, portraying the subject (Bolsonaro) as someone intrinsically associated with the repeated dissemination of misinformation. The remainder of the post reinforces an affective and colloquial register typical of digital discourse, with expressions such as não(agunto ("I can't take it anymore") and quero u litraão no bar commeus BFFF ("I want a big beer at the bar with my BFFF"), conveying a desire to escape political reality through social interaction. The acronym BFFF — likely a pluralized and playful adaptation of BFF ("best friends forever") — illustrates the creative incorporation of English expressions into informal Brazilian Portuguese. (8) Fakenaro sempre foi umpolitical mediocre. É tao surreal ele estar na presidência. (X) Fakenaro has always been a mediocre politician. It's so surreal that he's president. (9) PTralhas, esquerdopatas e fakeopatas... Vamos divulgar e denominciar pessoal! São verdadeiros criminos.(X) PTralhas, leftopaths, and fakeopaths... Let's spread the word and report them, folks! They're true criminals. (10) um fio branco bem no meu topete, a era cruella tá chegando. get ready quarenteners. (X) A white hair right in my quiff — the cruella era is coming. Get ready, quarenteners. If the GODDESS Persephone wants, and she will... Bolsonaro won't tank Lula's damage. Excerpt (8) refers to the false news disseminated by the former President of the Republic, Jair Bolsonaro. The neologism observed in this item results from borrowing, but with integration manifested morphologically. This process arises from the president's repeated public statements, which often contradict scientific consensus. A clear example is the headline published on the front page of the Portuguese newspaper Diário de Noticias on March 24, 2021: "Bolsonaro lies nine times in three minutes to Brazilians." Thus, speakers coined yet another lexical item to refer to the president. In item (9), a loanword neologism also occurs, with morphological integration. It is important to highlight that a segment of the community frequently uses the term "psychopath" to emphasize madness or extreme behavior. In this case, the neological process is motivated by a "pathological" inclination to seek out unfounded news or content detached from reality. In lexical item (10), a loanword neologism is once again formed through morphological integration. The use of the suffix -er, borrowed from English, conveys the meaning of "one who performs the action," equivalent to the Portuguese suffix -or, typically used to adjectivize verbs. In this case, the English suffix is employed to label individuals who chose to remain in quarantine during the COVID-19 pandemic. In (11), there is the formation of a loanword neologism with morphological integration, involving the use of the Portuguese verbal suffix -ar. The lexeme "tank," originating from English, translates directly as "tank," referring to heavily armored war vehicles; however, this neologism in Portuguese derives from the gaming universe, such as League of Legends and Dota 2. In these games, the champions or characters known as "tanks" are strong and capable of absorbing significant amounts of damage. Consequently, speakers have transferred this meaning to political discourse. ### c) Semantic Adaptations The integration of loanword neologisms at the semantic level relates to the polysemous meanings that a lexical unit acquires in different contexts. In this process, we identified three neological formations. (12) A prova viva que a Odete Roitman está certa, quando fazer O brasil e uma mistura de raças que não deuCERTO... que estamos tão heute celebrando o Bolsonaro day! Que esse bando de gado elegue. (Facebook) Living proof that Odete Roitman was right when she said Brazil is a mixture of races that didn't work out... that today we're celebrating Bolsonaro Day! That bunch of cattle elected him. After the FIASCO of the corona day protest, the PRESIDENT is already ready to be hospitalized!! The whole world is on ALERT to protect their nations, but in Bolsonaro's Brazil, this is nothing more than hysteria!! How much longer, people!???? The gay has become a good vibes little fascist, the guy who used to sing those heartwarming forfun songs, OMG what a sh\*t. In process (12), we observe a neological formation through the semantic integration of a loanword. The term "day," from English, means "dia" in Portuguese. The use of this foreign term is quite frequent in Portuguese, and in this construction, it refers to April 1st, the date on which April Fools' Day is celebrated in Brazil. Thus, speakers who oppose the former president Bolsonaro often use hashtags across various social networks to celebrate "Bolsonaro Day," portraying the Brazilian ex-president as a liar. As shown in example (13), we again observe a neological formation through the semantic integration of a loanword, as previously explained. This process became widespread due to a demonstration in support of the former president, Jair Bolsonaro, held on March 15, $2020^{4}$, which generated significant public outrage. According to the news outlet G1, Brazil had only 200 confirmed COVID-19 cases on that date[^5]. The event unsettled the population because of the ex-president's encouragement for people to take to the streets to protest social isolation measures. In excerpt (14), there is a loanword neologism with integration manifesting morphologically. This process introduces a new characterization through the use of "good vibes," an expression originating from English that can be translated as "good vibes" or "positive feelings." This example refers to those who adhere to metaphysical and esoteric ideas and attitudes, generally associated with the New Age movement, and who like to promote positivity but defend fascist and authoritarian ideals. Speakers use this term to label such people who tend to propagate positivity while simultaneously endorsing fascist ideas. We classify this as a morphological adaptation, as diminutives like "vibezinha" are quite common in Portuguese. ## V. FINAL REMARKS Language embodies social dynamics and continual shifts in communicative practices, particularly within digital platforms where interaction is rapid and widespread. Contemporary discourse on these media reveals processes of lexical innovation and adaptation, influenced by sociopolitical factors and user engagement. Our analysis of neological items revealed that borrowing, especially from English, has become a productive and dynamic process for users engaging in political commentary and satire. These neologisms (often creatively adapted to Portuguese through morphological and semantic integration) reflect speakers' strategies to articulate criticism, humor, and political positioning within a highly polarized digital environment. Most items exhibit a certain degree of adaptation, suggesting an active process of lexical appropriation by speakers who employ these units for argumentative, mocking, or ironic purposes. Neologisms, therefore, serve not only to highlight the linguistic creativity of users but also to illustrate how political discourse becomes deeply embedded in communicative practices marked by irony, fatigue, and shared emotional responses. The employment of loan-based neologisms, often subject to morphological and semantic adaptation, exemplifies the active role of speakers in shaping language to express ideological perspectives and affective nuances within digital contexts. The study demonstrates that borrowing is more than a matter of lexical importation; it typically involves the reconfiguration of terms to fulfill communicative purposes. The findings also underscore the role of social media as spaces of intense linguistic innovation, where new expressions can circulate at a fast pace and contribute to shaping public discourse. As shown, these platforms enable immediate, dialogic, and affective interaction among users, fostering the emergence of shared vocabularies linked to political identity, criticism, and resistance. Ultimately, this study confirms that neologisms, especially those formed by borrowing, serve not only as linguistic innovations but also as markers of collective experience. They encapsulate moments of tension, irony, and resistance, contributing to the construction of a politically engaged and socially aware lexicon. Further research could expand on this work by analyzing the longevity of such neologisms, their potential for dictionary inclusion, and their impact on broader language change in Brazilian Portuguese. [^1]: "Dans la perspective de l'étude de la néologie, l'emprunt peut-il être considéré comme une création linguistique? S'il est avéré qu'il apporte un élément nouveau dans le système linguistique national et enrichir la collection des segments linguistiques pourvus d'une signification, on peut se demander dans qu'elle mesure, il n'est pas un élément de trouble dans le système, et à quelles conditions il fonctionne comme élément intégré au système. Il s'agit en réalité de la transplantation d'un terme créé dans le cadre d'un autre système linguistique selon les règles phonétiques, syntaxiques et sémentiques non perceptibles pour le locuteur de la communauté où il est introduit, sauf s'il connait parfaitement la langue des préteuse. [...] Ce n'est pas le locuteur emprunteur qui acomplit la création, consistant dans l'attribution conscience d'un contenu de signification au segment linguistique, ou qui cautionne cette création en l'accueillant et en l'interprétant selon la motivation qui résultat de la relation entre ses éléments; il recoit cette création comme un fait accompli. La néologie de l'empruntbine consiste donc non dans la création du signe mais dans son adoption." _(p.3)_ [^5]: https://g1.globe.com/bemestar/coronavirus/noticia/2020/03/15/brasi-ltem-176-casos-de- coronavirus-segundo-relatorio-do-ministerio-dasaude.shtml. _(p.8)_

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