On Persian Japanese Intonation

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Norouzi Tayebeh
Norouzi Tayebeh
α University of Tsukuba University of Tsukuba

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Abstract

The aim of this study is to investigate learners’ acquisition of Japanese lexical accent in different prosodic environments. Nineteen Iranian learners and one Japanese native speaker participated in the experiment and were asked to pronounce a dialogue using the same three-mora non-word in three different positions in the dialogue. The results show that native speaker pronounce the non-word with three possible accent types: Atamadaka-gata (i.e., the first mora has a high pitch (H) and all subsequent morae have low pitches (L)), nakadaka-gata (i.e., one or more than one mora that is neither the first nor the last within that word has a high pitch) and heiban-gata (i.e., the first mora has a low pitch and all subsequent morae have a higher pitch, and the pitch gradually lowers). However, accent realization does not change in different prosodic environments. On the other hand, when analyzing the Iranian learners’ pronunciation, a total of seven accent types were recognized, and the results demonstrate that accent realization differs by prosodic environment: while LHL (an accent form like nakadaka-gata) appears frequently in a focal environment, LHH (an accent form like heiban-gata), which is similar to a Persian accent, is realized more in other environments such as neutral or post-focal environments. The above result suggests that since, at the beginning of conversation sentences and in focal environments, the learners’ degree of consciousness is higher than for the whole conversation, L1 interference is less likely to occur.

References

17 Cites in Article
  1. Takako Ayusawa (1991). Intonation and Japanese language teaching.
  2. Takako Ayusawa (1993). Intonation of learners of Japanese -acquisition of intonation of the Tokyo Japanese interrogatives.
  3. Takako Ayusawa (2003). Acquisition of Japanese accents and intonation by foreign learners.
  4. P Boersma,D Weenink (2015). Praat: Doing Phonetics by Computer.
  5. Shiro Kori (1997). Japanese intonation -type and function.
  6. Shiro Kori (2004). A new analysis of accent in Tokyo Japanese: About handling rise of the beginning of the word.
  7. Shiro Kori (2008). Chapter 1 Accent in Tokyo Japanese.
  8. Shiro Kori (2012). Restrictive modification and realization of lexical accents in Tokyo Japanese: A quantitative study.
  9. Haruo Kubono,Ota,Satoshi (1998). Phonological Structure and Accent.
  10. Hiroshi Matsuzaki,Toshiyuki Kawano (2010). Phonetics for Succeeding with Japanese Language Education Proficiency Test.
  11. Hiroshi Matsuzaki (2001). Speech education in Japanese.
  12. Mitsujun Min (1989). Prosodic feature in Japanese speech of Korean speaker and its evaluation by Japanese speaker.
  13. Yasue Nakato (2001). WORD STRUCT.
  14. J Pierrehumbert,M Beckman (1988). Japanese Tone Structure.
  15. Nima Sadat-Tehrani (2007). The Intonational Grammar of Persian.
  16. Yasuhiko Sukegawa (1999). Pitch realization of 2/3mora-words by Brazilian learners of Japanese.
  17. Nobuko Yamada (1994). Steps in the acquisition of Japanese lexical accent: The case of foreign learners.

Funding

No external funding was declared for this work.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Ethical Approval

No ethics committee approval was required for this article type.

Data Availability

Not applicable for this article.

How to Cite This Article

Norouzi Tayebeh. 2018. \u201cOn Persian Japanese Intonation\u201d. Global Journal of Human-Social Science - G: Linguistics & Education GJHSS-G Volume 18 (GJHSS Volume 18 Issue G12): .

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Issue Cover
GJHSS Volume 18 Issue G12
Pg. 19- 27
Journal Specifications

Crossref Journal DOI 10.17406/GJHSS

Print ISSN 0975-587X

e-ISSN 2249-460X

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GJHSS-G Classification: FOR Code: 339999
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v1.2

Issue date

December 4, 2018

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en
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The aim of this study is to investigate learners’ acquisition of Japanese lexical accent in different prosodic environments. Nineteen Iranian learners and one Japanese native speaker participated in the experiment and were asked to pronounce a dialogue using the same three-mora non-word in three different positions in the dialogue. The results show that native speaker pronounce the non-word with three possible accent types: Atamadaka-gata (i.e., the first mora has a high pitch (H) and all subsequent morae have low pitches (L)), nakadaka-gata (i.e., one or more than one mora that is neither the first nor the last within that word has a high pitch) and heiban-gata (i.e., the first mora has a low pitch and all subsequent morae have a higher pitch, and the pitch gradually lowers). However, accent realization does not change in different prosodic environments. On the other hand, when analyzing the Iranian learners’ pronunciation, a total of seven accent types were recognized, and the results demonstrate that accent realization differs by prosodic environment: while LHL (an accent form like nakadaka-gata) appears frequently in a focal environment, LHH (an accent form like heiban-gata), which is similar to a Persian accent, is realized more in other environments such as neutral or post-focal environments. The above result suggests that since, at the beginning of conversation sentences and in focal environments, the learners’ degree of consciousness is higher than for the whole conversation, L1 interference is less likely to occur.

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On Persian Japanese Intonation

Norouzi Tayebeh
Norouzi Tayebeh University of Tsukuba

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