I. INTRODUCTION

According to Ballestrin (2013) a group of scholars composed of Latin Americans such as Walter Mignolo (2017a, 2017b); Aníbal Quijano (2009); Catherine Walsh (2013); Nelson Maldonado-Torres (2007); Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2009); Ramón Grosfoguel (2008), among others, were responsible for studies in various and related areas of social sciences in Latin American and US universities. They made an epistemological shift and a very important movement for the critical renewal of intellectual centres at the beginning of the 21st century, mainly in Andean universities, known as the Modernity/Coloniality group. This group was structured through debates, seminars, dialogues and publications to think about the structure that established the oppression and decimation of entire civilizations in the name of power.

In this sense, the emergence of decoloniality stems from these ideas and emerges as a counterpart to the colonial pretensions that were established within society, above all, to subaltern civilizations and oppressed by the European colonizer. Thus, decoloniality is a denunciation option that established theories, concepts, practices and categories in the development of an epistemology of overcoming, because, at the beginning of the 21st century, the need arises to have conceptualizations and paradigms to think about the postcolonial structure in the Latin America and the Caribbean.

In this way, the decolonial paradigm emerges as an option to decolonize what has been colonized (Mignolo, 2017b). To think from this idea is to establish an effort capable of understanding, through the analysis of subordinate subjects, the place of production and reproduction of knowledge that was denied for centuries. The goal of decoloniality is not to highlight existing epistemologies, but to be the overcoming option, which clarifies, thinks and acts for a future of global appreciation in which a single option of speeches and responses can no longer be accepted as an affirmation of peoples' domination.

The logic of coloniality/modernity must be overcome by the decolonial movement of resistance to the fallacy of capitalist progress, reallocating discourses and making black people subjects of theoretical and practical production that announce directions to overcome this cruel perspective of erasure and suppression of epistemologies locations (Mignolo, 2017a). Decoloniality proposes to educators, students and the school the place of debates for an epistemic validation and reaffirmation of rights when it makes the oppressed aware as agents of construction of history.

As a result of this, one must seek decolonization, seeking this is essential, as it never goes unnoticed. When this process is in practice, it reaches the being entirely, modifying them into privileged and new beings, such as a language and a new humanity, to decolonize is to create a new man (Fanon, 1968).

In this way, the present work starts from the following question: How to promote an epistemological rupture in education through a decolonial pedagogy for the teaching of ethnic-racial relations? Since the epistemological construction of the African continent has colonial roots of epistemic nullity based on prejudice, not opening space for criticality and for the practice of a liberating pedagogy.

Based on this and for understanding, the first section of this text approaches Europe as an enunciative locus of an epistemology considered universal, one and superior to all others existing in the world, especially the African one, evidencing the historical disaster of the discourse of modernity as extermination and concealment of African epistemes, especially in the Americas.

In the following section, a brief reflection is carried out on the advances of educational public policies in Brazil in relation to the teaching of ethnic-racial relations in basic education, in particular, the implementation of Law 10.639/03 (amended by Law 11.645/08). We also highlight the need for advances in research for the epistemic rupture with a focus on the university, making it possible to reflect on the challenges posed in contemporary times.

Finally, the last section brings approaches to the need to build a decolonial pedagogical practice for teaching ethnic-racial relations, proposing an epistemic rupture in education based on this new paradigm, based on two decolonial pedagogical proposals: the proposal of bell hooks (2013) and Paulo Freire's proposal (2022b).

II. EUROCENTRISM AND THE HIDDEN SIDE OF MODERNITY

Any man in his cognitive fullness in contemporary times is capable of conceiving at first an adjective to a black person if asked. Unfortunately, most adjectives would refer to negative ideas, of inferiority, subordination, because they are always the "other", and therefore, they are the "irrational, magical, illogical, uncivilized, primitive, backward, illegitimate, undisciplined, childish, parochial, passive, apathetic, imitative and black" (Ani, 1994, p. 287 - 288).

With that, it would cause the researcher a certain strangeness if such an adjective were conceived in a positive and more humane way to the black, since, in the Brazilian society built through the exploitation, commercialization and genocide of the black people, a nefarious history of prejudice was produced and citizen denial, for centuries.

Such an observation is a perverse imagery construction that falls on the black population due to the burden of melanin (this one, yes, biology explains). The author Lélia Gonzales (1984) shows that black people are in the garbage can of Brazilian society, and that racism is part of a "natural" condition. On this occasion, for her, with her ironic criticism, a being conceived as irresponsible, with low cognitive abilities, it is natural to remain on the margins of society, and consequently a marginal person is persecuted by the police for not liking to work, thus, if he "does not work, he's a rascal and if he's a rascal, he's a thief. So, he has to be arrested, naturally" (Gonzalez, 1984, p. 226).

Lélia Gonzales' thought is a reinforcement of a Brazilian historiographical knowledge founded by whites and for whites. The Brazilian economic, cultural, political and social structure was usurped for the benefit of a dominating and minority elite of European origin, which implemented anachronistic thinking that is vigorous today in relation to black people, like this:

Black women, naturally, are cooks, cleaners, servants, bus changers or prostitutes. It is enough for us to read the newspaper, listen to the radio and watch television. They don't want anything. So there's more to it than being favelados. Racism? In Brazil? Who said it? That's an American thing. Here there is no difference because everyone is Brazilian above all, thank God. Blacks here are treated well, they have the same rights as we do. So much so that, when he makes an effort, he rises in life like anyone else. I know one who is a doctor; extremely polite, cultured, elegant and with such fine features... He doesn't even look black (Gonzalez, 1984, p. 226).

In relation to this, the black population and the African universe are objectified, not having spaces for creations and recreations, they are recognized for everything that Europeans abhor and do not want to be, that is, the European image of Africans forms a set of worthless things, attributed negative characteristics that without these produced ideas could never help to maintain a "positive" image of what it means to be European (Ani, 1994).

In this way, for the European to achieve his title of "positive" image, it was not necessary much effort before societies, since the atrocious and dehumanizing performance of the colonization of African peoples produced in itself a nullity (denialism) and cruel devastation of all non-European epistemologies. Being able to understand that:

European patriarchy and European notions of sexuality, epistemology and spirituality were exported to the rest of the world through colonial expansion and transformed into the hegemonic criteria that were to racialize, classify and pathologize the rest of the world's population according to a hierarchy of superior and inferior races (Santos, 2009, p. 392).

For this to happen, the notion of modernity was linked to coloniality, and the notion of the modern emerges to operate from strictly abyssal lines that divide what is part of the human world, and those that are part of the underworld, thus, for the notion of modernity those who are on the other side of the line, will not be a human in its entirety (Santos, 2009).

According to Mignolo (2017a) the concept of modernity is a universalizing narrative of Western civilization. The creation of this concept is a fiction that justifies all the epistemic, cultural, political, social, economic dissolution of subaltern civilizations in the face of Eurocentrism.

So, the fallacy of coloniality/modernity was a condition sine qua in which not only formed Europe, but which established its own permanence and maintenance from the perspective of power within societies, these power patterns, which were diluted in the observances of what the "others" would be, not restricting itself only to social, economic and cultural control, also involving itself in the control of the state and other institutions, having its apogee in the control of the production of knowledge (Bernardino-Costa and Grosfoguel, 2016).

Modernity, being a product of the enunciation of the colonization of peoples by the European, made subordinate knowledge excluded, mitigated, silenced, omitted and ignored, adding all cultural prejudices forming latent structures of current inequalities. Therefore, modernity according to the scholar Maldonado Torres:

It would be said that modernity implies the colonization of time by the European, that is, the creation of historical stages that led to the advent of modernity on European soil [..] the concept of modernity is to hide, in an ingenious way, the importance that spatiality has for the production of this discourse [...] those who adopt the discourse of modernity tend to adopt a universalist perspective that eliminates the importance of geopolitical location (Torres, 2008 p. 84).

In this regard, it is urgent to break with an epistemology that does not consider the plurality of knowledge coming from the rest of the world, especially from the African continent, where Western sciences managed for centuries to produce myths about an invalid knowledge, which was hidden from enunciations and announcements of epistemic places from geopolitics structured in the bowels of colonial power (Mignolo, 2017a).

In this way, the insurgent epistemologies for overcoming the European narratives on the African continent must redefine the rhetoric, creating emancipations from the subaltern itself, that is, from the side of the oppressed, so that in this way knowledge must depart towards a struggle in toward epistemic liberation (Mignolo, 2017b).

With this conjuncture, the black epistemes over the centuries were wasted, which is still reflected today, as the quotes above from the black sociologist Lélia Gonzales have shown. It is necessary to value the epistemological, cultural and political diversity of the African continent, estimating the importance of local and contextual experiences for the creation of a new global paradigm that is decoloniality as a perspective for overcoming the Western understanding of what it means to be modern and overcome stereotypes, and prejudices against blacks, mainly, to be disseminated in education.

III. TWENTY YEARS OF LAW 10,639/2003: HOW ARE WE?

In March 2003, Law 10.639/2003 was sanctioned by the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil, Luís Inácio Lula da Silva. This normative instrument instituted, in Brazil, the obligatory and transversal teaching of Afro-Brazilian History and Culture in public and private schools.

Consequently, in June 2004, Law 10.639/03 was regulated by the National Council of Education (CNE), representing a gigantic step towards the formation of a public policy of affirmative actions of historical reparation to the black community, to Afro-Brazilians and to the black movement committed to seeking solutions to repair the damage caused by the slave regime (Brasil, 2004).

In view of this, the National Council of Education (CNE-BRASIL) established in resolution No. 1, of June 17, 2004:

Art. 1 This resolution institutes National Curriculum Guidelines for the Education of Ethnic-Racial Relations and for the Teaching of Afro-Brazilian and African History and Culture, to be observed by educational institutions, which operate at the levels of modalities of Brazilian Education, in especially by institutions that develop programs for initial and continuing teacher education.

Art. 2nd The National Curriculum Guidelines for the Education of Ethnic-Racial Relations and for the Teaching of Afro-Brazilian and African History and Culture consist of guidelines, principles and fundamentals for the planning, execution and evaluation of Education, and have as their goal, to promote the education of active and conscious citizens within the multicultural and multiethnic society of Brazil, seeking positive ethnic-social relations, towards the construction of a democratic nation.

• § 1 The Education of Ethnic-Racial Relations aims to disseminate and produce knowledge, as well as attitudes, postures and values that educate citizens about ethnic-racial plurality, making them capable of interacting and negotiating common goals that ensure that everyone respects legal rights and values their identity, in the pursuit of consolidating Brazilian democracy (Brasil, 2004, p.31)
• § 2 The Teaching of Afro-Brazilian and African History and Culture aims at recognizing and valuing the identity, history and culture of Afro-Brazilians, as well as guaranteeing recognition and equal appreciation of the African roots of the Brazilian nation, alongside of indigenous, European, Asian (Brasil, 2004, p.31)
• § 3 It will be up to the Education Councils of the States, the Federal District and the Municipalities to develop the National Curriculum Guidelines established by this Resolution, within the collaboration regime and the autonomy of federative entities and their respective systems (Brasil, 2004, p.31)

The regulation of Law 10.639/03 made possible significant advances towards a historical reparation of the Afro-Brazilian community, since it established the recognition, appreciation and affirmation of rights, not only with regard to education. For the Black Movement it is bigger than that, this instrument is a support that the Brazilian State sympathizes with the secular struggles and claims for a retraction of those who raised a Brazil on its back, literally, behold, the reward of the state appeared.

Changing the status quo was a necessity, based on the insurgent reflections of academic literature at the beginning of the 21st century, with the paths of Brazilian construction for a national identity written and announced from the whites and for the whites. Thus: "It is worth asking again: how did we get to this situation, with abolition and everything on top of that? The person who answers us is a very important white man (because he is a social scientist, wow) called Caio Prado Junior" (Gonzalez, 1994, p. 231). Only with the criticism and mobilization of the black movement did it become necessary to try to rewrite the history of the Afro-Brazilian people, and this law is the result of such mobilization (Oliveira and Candau, 2010).

This achievement was a milestone in the history of Brazilian education in terms of public policies to repair the damage left by colonization to the entire Afro-Brazilian population and is a reason for pride and acclaim by all. However, the consent of the Brazilian state is paramount, when compared to more than four hundred years of denial of rights, a legal instrument is still insufficient to deconstruct centuries of a tragedy.

For this, it is urgent to apply what Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2009) calls subaltern cosmopolitanism, where all those who have suffered and been victims of violence, intolerance and discrimination need a human community around them, all those who have had their rights denied and were affected in their human dignity need citizenship [...](Santos, 2009).

In Brazil, according to Dagnino (2004), political projects for the construction of a nation take on new roles when popular participation, civil society, citizenship and democracy are responsible for articulating the precepts of the game for the reformulation of practices as enunciative locus.

From this perspective, discussing affirmative action public policies is a step towards fighting any monoculture of knowledge, not only in the theoretical field, but starting from concomitant practices between those who speak, write and attest and those who objectively need it at the end of the process.

It is necessary, in the production of public policies for black people, that the knowledge and research carried out privilege partnerships with different social movements and their intersectionalities, providing advances and trends that go beyond the hegemonic culture in the field of research in social and human sciences as well as in formulation of affirmative action policies (Gomes, 2010).

Thus, in March of this year, Law 10.639/2003 celebrates exactly 20 years since it came into force, the advances of this incorporation in basic education were significant regarding multicultural and pluricultural dialogue at school. "This legislation paves the way for the construction of an anti-racist education that entails an epistemological and curricular rupture, insofar as it makes public and legitimate the "talk" about the Afro-Brazilian and African issue." (Gomes, 2012, p. 105)

Nowadays, "talking" about it still causes discomfort in a part of society that does not let go or tries to let go of prejudices and racism. The production of knowledge and the "talking" about issues involving the ethnic-racial, sometimes, is silenced or there is a discrepancy in the epistemic production within the knowledge production environments that do not privilege to discuss themes judged as subordinate.

If we critically examine the university's traditional role in seeking truth and sharing knowledge and information, it will become sadly clear that the biases that sustain and maintain white supremacy, imperialism, sexism, and racism have so distorted education. that it is no longer a practice of freedom (hooks, 2013, p. 45)

The central issue in the production of knowledge within universities is to break with the dominant Eurocentric epistemologies and move forward to seek reparation for the damage left by epistemicide.

According to Boaventura de Sousa and Santos (2019), epistemicide can be considered the discredit, suppression and death of social practices of different cultures in the production of local knowledge in the face of European knowledge. Based on this terminology and concept of Boaventura, several thinkers-built foundations around this thought, however, epistemicide as murder and erasure of the production of knowledge on the African continent (Njeri; Aziza, 2020, p. 3) is what arises for discussion in this article. Thinking about epistemicide as a concept and analytical category is to turn to the dominant European who disregarded all types of manifestations on the African continent, above all, the production of knowledge, since, after all, he was considered a non-being, "in the European tradition terms like 'man', 'humanity', 'human gender' connote 'European' and evoke self-image in the minds of Europeans" (Ani, 1994, p. 226).

In this way, Moraes and Silva Rosa (2020) consider epistemicide as responsible for erasing and murdering African knowledge, its practice extinguished the epistemologies and contributions of black civilizations in the construction of human history, in the same way that, for Carneiro (2005), the maximum expression of this annihilation was the annulment of knowledge and all processes of censorship and condemnation of an epistemology before the "other". In this case, the epistemologies produced by blacks were invalidated and corrupted for centuries and this is also reflected, in particular, in the production of knowledge within universities.

Regarding this, Kilomba (2020) already warned that knowledge, erudition and science are intrinsic parts and that they are associated with power and racial authority, asking us and making us reflect on the following questions:

[...] What kind of knowledge, isn't it? What knowledge has been part of academic agendas? Who is recognized as someone who has knowledge? and who, isn't it? Who can teach knowledge? and who can't? Who is at the centre? and who remains outside, on the margins? (KILOMBA, 2020, p. 50).

Universities as knowledge production centres are not a neutral space, in fact, science is not neutral. Academic centres are white spaces, where the right to oratory from the pulpit, that is, the privileged place of speech, has been denied to people of colour for centuries (KILOMBA, 2020).

As a way of exemplifying a little the contributions of Grada Kilomba, referring to the objectives of the work, I present an excerpt on the production of academic works carried out and published about ethnic-racial relations.

In a survey carried out by Coelho (2018), between the years 2003 to 2014, 52 articles, 8 theses and 22 defended dissertations were found, which in some way brought approaches to ethnic-racial relations. The highest incidence of publications occurred only in 2013, approximately a decade after the enactment of Law 10,639/2003. The researcher also points out that in the years 2003 to 2005 there is a lack of publications in journals that bring approaches to this theme.

Based on this, the production of academic works within universities for this perspective should and has the prospect of increasing, however, it demonstrates that published academic works can be considerably few, since it is an analysis of ten years, shortly after the enactment of the Law.

In the same perspective, and with the objective of collecting data on the amount of research and publications of thesis and dissertations carried out by graduates, with the Federal University of Maranhão (FUMA)/Brasil(UFMA) as a focus, a search was carried out in the Brazilian Digital Library of Thesis and Dissertations (BDTD) with the following terms "Law 10.639/2003" and "Ethnic-Racial Relations" and, respectively, 9 works were found, 8 dissertations and only 1 doctoral thesis.

When performing the search on the BDTD website for "Ethnic-Racial Relations" filtered by the Federal University of Maranhão institution, 6 results are shown, however, in table 2 there are 4, since they were the same works that contemplated the search for the filter "Law. 10,639/2003".

The tables presented in this research, even with an excerpt, are examples that after 20 years of operation of Law 10.639/2003, in Brazil, there are still few theses and dissertations published on the portal, coming from students of the FUMA.

Only from 2018 research and strictu sensu publications focused on this thematic area were published. In view of this, what is evident is that there is little research carried out in this thematic area, considering this, based on the results found by the BDTD, nevertheless, it is important to take into account that the Federal University of Maranhão works for advances.

To discuss the production of knowledge for the conception of an African history and culture is to propagate all the nuances that involve the black person, to seek this is to insert this epistemological discussion within the universities involving different actors that elevate the debates and, consequently, it is from this and This is why the need for a starting point arises, that is, universities are those points that interconnect advances in search of new knowledge that formalize a break with hegemonic thoughts.

The expectation for advances in public policies in relation to ethnic-racial issues seems to find a "light at the end of the tunnel" with the return of President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, in 2023 to the Presidency of the Republic of Brazil, the year in which the Law 10,639/03 will complete 20 years of enactment. Now, in the first month of government, the Ministry of Racial Equality was created, also entering into force Law $n^{\circ }$ 14.532/23 that equates the crime of racial injury to the crime of racism. These advances are sources of further discussions; however, it is important to recognize the importance of all these acts that intersect in the search for an education to overcome social and ethnic-racial inequalities in Brazil.

IV. FOR A DECOLONIAL PEDAGOGY FOR TEACHING ETHNIC-RACIAL RELATIONS

The starting point for thinking about decolonial practices is to understand all the oppressive and violent aspects of colonization and its ramifications within a society. Understanding coloniality/modernity requires repulsing these ideas and creating a new paradigm of overcoming what Njeri (2019) calls the "metaphor of genocide", a monster with tentacles aiming and hitting the black body with the aim of destroying it. It in all its aspects, be it physical, psychological, epistemological and also spiritual:

Each tentacle is responsible for an area of genocide, from (nutricide, epistemicide) religious racism, incarceration, ultraviolence to the physical death of the entire black population, without exception or clippings. No matter the specificity of this black body, the monster of genocide is sophisticated enough to adapt to it and use it as a means of death (Njeri, 2019, p. 7).

The monster with tentacles that Aza Njeri refers to is a project of genocide of the African and Afro-Brazilian population caused by the imperialist designs of colonization and the very idea of coloniality/modernity, above all, the genocide perpetrated in education and in the modes of knowledge production of this community that have been and are questioned to this day.

For Gomes (2012) the change of actions and perspectives must be activated when the radical nature of these issues is understood. Only then will we be able to change the record and all the paradigms of knowledge with which educators work in education, that is, for the author this is the initial action to promote an epistemological and cultural rupture.

For this rupture, decoloniality emerges as a model of a global paradigm for overcoming the disasters caused and left by coloniality. The emergence of this new paradigm does not come from the idea of progress or destruction of existing epistemologies, what is presented is the need to detach from these, understanding detachment as non-acceptance and epistemic disobedience: "decoloniality is a life option, to think, to do, is not a state option but a global policy" (Mignolo, 2017b, p. 31).

In this way, decoloniality is not and has never been a paradigm that consists of a universal model of knowledge that presents itself as the true one, and that surpasses and despises all previously existing ones, it is essential to understand that decoloniality is configured in another option (Mignolo, 2017a).

The decolonial project as an option for overcoming inequalities starts from the frontier and returns to the frontier with all forms and creations of knowledge in the name of a global policy of valuing the being that for centuries was a non-being, and in the condition of not being, it became a genuine diasporic product. Returning to the frontier from decoloniality goes beyond understanding the African subject from a geopolitical location, while it is geopolitics that makes possible the decolonial discussion about the importance of Afrocentricity (Asante, 2016), that is, understanding its purpose emerges in the recognition of this population in the production of knowledge:

By re-centralizing the African person as an agent, Afrocentricity forces European hegemony to unleash its power to situate Africans as marginal. Thus, Afrocentricity becomes a critique of domination that denies the power of cultural hegemony. It insists that African communication, behaviour and attitudes must be examined within the context of African culture, not as part of the European enterprise (Asante, 2016, p. 16).

Thus, examining Africa and Africans from their context and their own culture is to put decoloniality into practice across the border. And understanding their function within the decolonial project, we realize that borders are not reduced to spaces that create/re-create differences but are integral parts of an enunciative locus that is based on which knowledge is formed, cosmovisions that depart from the experiences of subaltern subjects. On this occasion, the need for a connection between place and knowledge is implicit.

In this way, the knowledge that comes from the borders, understood as a result of the decolonial project, redirects the rhetoric from the cosmologies of the oppressed who are located on the subaltern side towards a struggle for epistemic liberation to the detriment of a world capable of overcoming the core of the Eurocentric knowledge. It has to be understood that there must be a displacement of the enunciative locus, taken from the European man to the African women of Angola, for example (Grosfoguel, 2008).

Regarding this, education is an original and essential instrument for the practice of an epistemic rupture through decoloniality. Regarding this point, there are several pedagogical proposals for a decolonial education in practice, among which the pedagogy of Paulo Freire stands out, based on "The damned from the earth" (1968) by Frantz Fanon and which influenced generations of new pedagogues such as bell hooks (2013) and Catherine Walsh (2017).

For Freire, education has its functionality in making the oppressed aware of the processes suffered from dehumanization, and by learning this, they also get to know the world of oppression they have suffered and suffer, and from that they are committing themselves to its transformation (Freire, 1987).

An education for an epistemic rupture must start from man's awareness of the processes of oppression triggered by coloniality:

An education that enables man to courageously discuss his problems. That he warned him of the dangers of his time, so that, aware of them, he gained the strength and courage to fight, instead of being led and dragged to the perdition of his own "I". Submitted to the prescriptions of others. The education that placed in constant dialogue with the other [...](FREIRE, 1967, p. 90).

The need for a decolonial education to break with hegemonic knowledge has as its principle the awareness of the oppressed class, from this point onwards the elevation of the African subject in the face of the problems of his time and space (Fanon, 2008). A decolonial education frees and forms critical citizens through a transitivity conceived as naive, a priori, but which becomes critical the moment the educational practice itself is found in the subject as an action of liberation.

Having said that, decolonial education is not restricted to teaching and the transmission of knowledge as limited fields of school spaces. According to Catherine Walsh (2013), decolonial pedagogy should seek to open gaps, instigate learning, unlearn and relearn. This pedagogy revitalizes the reason for its emergence when it plants seeds and does not institute dogmas or doctrines, "clarify and tangle paths, and advance horizons of theorizing, thinking, being, being, feeling, looking and listening [...](Walsh, 2013, p. 66, 67).

The decolonial pedagogy propose the production of knowledge that transforms reality, and it is in this context that its perspectives and needs are met, it is about amplifying the focus of the canons to recognize the "different". This pedagogy is not only about recognizing the need for an option that combats coloniality, but also based on the investigation and practice of new approaches and relationships for the radical reconstruction of being, power and knowledge (Oliveira e Candau, 2010).

Based on this, rebuilding the being, power and knowledge demands the collective appeal for this renewal, understanding that this process requires changing practices and postures that rejuvenate teaching, is asking everyone to open their conscience and heart to a new claim that transforms thinking, to rethink the creation of a new vision that is teaching as transgression (hooks, 2013).

To transgress is to go to the decolonial encounter, everyone who is in the field of educational action is called to change and renew our mentality to modify the precepts of educational institutions, teaching about knowledge that values diversity, plurality and multiculturalism make working even more pleasurable and joyful, and this propels us towards the pursuit of a passion for social and epistemological justice that turns into a love of freedom (hooks, 2013).

Therefore, the search for a libertarian education along decolonial lines must leave aside "banking" teaching actions that do not raise criticality, since institutions value institutionalized education more than education for the world:

"We dictate ideas. We don't exchange ideas. We talk classes. We do not debate classes or discuss topics. We work on the learner. We don't work with him. We impose an order to which he does not adhere but accommodates himself. We don't provide him with the means to think authentically, because when he receives the formulas we give him, he simply keeps them. He does not incorporate them because incorporation is the result of the search for something he demands, from those who try it, an effort to recreate and seek. It requires reinvention (Freire, 1987, p. 97).

Decolonial pedagogy proposes to make a dialogic opening to build bridges through criticism, proposing a teaching for valuing differences and the struggle for a more just, equalitarian and democratic society that values its men from the epistemologies and local knowledge. In this perspective, the educator who finds the location as a starting point for a teaching that values differences are no longer just the one who educates, but the one who, while educating, is educated through exchange and mutual dialogue with the student, and this, at the same time, being educated also becomes capable of educating (Freire, 2022a).

The challenges for a decolonial and counterhegemonic education in Brazilian education are gigantic, however, it is possible to innovate and renew through an education for decolonial diversity that frees the chains suffered from the colonial bases. A decolonial education is done by instigating freedom, beings free to think are responsible for transforming reality, the more stimulus to problematize beings from the world to the world, and the more the challenges, the more apt they are to answer for them (Freire, 2022b).

Thus, there must be a courageous education that brings debates from the problems and experiences of the students' time and space, raising them to the knowledge and practices of new attitudes and postures in the face of the challenges posed in contemporary times (Freire, 1987).

That said, a turn towards an education that proposed to be contrary to colonial precepts, is found in the recognition of an education for freedom, the subject, the very principle of knowledge, with the objective of reconfiguration of epistemologies for overcoming prejudice, inequalities and all forms of discrimination against so-called "minorities" in all social spaces, especially in educational environments. Decoloniality proposes this decolonial turn that precisely starts with changing attitudes and practices within pedagogical action, "a project of systematic and global transformation of assumptions and implications of modernity by a variety of subjects in dialogue" (Maldonado-Torres, 2007, p. 160).

According to Arroyo (2017), highlighting the situation of oppression of the oppressed, represented here by African subjects, a revitalizing pedagogy is found in the pedagogical practice itself, since, discussing with the subjects is proposing teaching actions that exalt the processes and movements that they allude to culture, the social, and other local perspectives that correspond to the recognition of the "other" as a social being that produces and transfers knowledge to the global.

An epistemic rupture is made of actions. An option, an idea, a theory that proposes changes already exists, even if it relates to the sociology of emergence by revealing itself at times, "dispersed, embryonic and fragmented, pointing to new constellations of meanings [...] to transformation of the world [...](Santos, 2019, p. 42).

To the detriment of this, the educator must be committed to awakening and making his students responsible beings capable of understanding differences as an integral part of a society, understanding the "other" as forms of mutual representations of learning is a challenge for all who are involved. offer to teach.

These practices are only possible when mobilizations and discussions on these themes are carried out in the classroom or in spaces that go beyond this environment through criticism: "Education is an act of love, therefore, an act of courage. You cannot fear the debate. The analysis of reality. It cannot escape creative discussion, under penalty of being a farce" (Freire, 1999, p. 97).

Decolonial pedagogy is revolutionary and has become an instrument to be approached by educators with the aim of transgressing knowledge and breaking with the objectifications of black people. The teacher who educates and is educated by his students must start from this pedagogy, an engaged pedagogy that is responsible for generating enthusiasm in students, pointing out ways for an epistemological rupture towards emancipation.

V. FINAL CONSIDERATIONS

Thinking about a decolonial pedagogical practice that modulates and revitalizes the entire educational process is not an easy task, understanding this is essential so that there are no frustrations along the way, not only on the part of educators, but on the part of the entire school community and committed population in accepting this paradigm as a real and concrete option for overcoming a tyrannical project that is linked to various forms of violence and violation of rights, ideas and freedoms.

It is urgent that decoloniality as a model and option to be followed has the primary duty of providing an enunciative locus centring black culture, seeking discussions and problematizations through scientific productions within the academies to reach schools, but that it is understandable, that the productions Academics must point out, problematize, agree, infer, propose what generates debates.

Discussions must go beyond physical environments, materializing through daily practice for a problematizing education that becomes liberating for students, a pedagogy that is encouraged serves the principle of liberation, ending in creativity and in stimulating actions truly engaged in the search for overcoming from a failed and oppressive epistemology to one that welcomes, protects and values plurality through an epistemic rupture through decoloniality.

An epistemological rupture materializes through the understanding that all African cultural manifestations are intimately within us, even those that are dormant are able to demonstrate the strength of their identity and ancestry.

Decolonial practice reaches refinement when it awakens and makes students aware that the values of the African continent are part of us in our daily lives, whether in the habit of asking our parents and elders for blessings, in the herbal knowledge of plants and herbs, in the conversations and demonstrations in the circle, in the grouping and squatting of houses in backyards and yards, in the nobility of women traders and in the resistance to keep ourselves alive, all of this must be transmitted within educational environments through pedagogical practice.

Thus, we must remain hopeful that the structural roots of imperialism, coloniality/modernity are gradually destroyed, until all the remnants left by them in the formation of Brazilian society, especially in education, disappear.

For this, the seeds are being planted, with effective public policies, such as the one addressed in the related work that is Law 10.639/2003 and Law No. 14.532/23. After 20 years, this instrument (Law 10.639/03) has already borne fruit, but it deserves improvement and strengthening to reach the ideal. Is there an ideal? I hope this is not a rhetorical or utopian question. Borrowing the brilliant words of Paulo Freire (1999) who said that hope should not be from the verb to wait, it should be from hoping, to hope is to demand, to go in search, to build and not to give up, so I can say that the black movement will not give up to achieve the ideal and achieve changes in practices and habits in Brazilian society, producing dialogue for the construction of an education that is effective in breaking with ideas of non-appreciation of black culture.

However, it is necessary to consider that public educational policies related to ethnic-racial issues, in recent years, have suffered several attacks and dismantling, since they were not considered essential and important for a project of society, with that, the duty of compliance with the Constitution was forgotten when making this struggle a government policy and not a state one. After almost two decades of the implementation of one of the main educational public policies, the same president of its creation, Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, returns to the scene, which makes this anniversary symbolic for the collection and search towards new advances.