I. INTRODUCTION

This paper examines how Yorùbá traditional education is deeply-rooted in Yorùbá orature. According to a Yorùbá proverb which says, "Àkùrò ti lómi télè kí òjò tó rò si" (A marshy land already contains water before the rain falls). Before the advent of Western education in the mid-nineteenth century, Yorùbá had a fundamental means of educating their children. Therefore, when the Europeans came and introduced their system of formal education in the society, it was not new because it was regarded as an additional and perhaps a modern way of seemingly developing the intelligence of the people. The traditional educational system had been part and parcel of the society before experiencing the school pudding. This Yorùbá traditional education system is in line with Awoniyi (1975: 357) when he says:

No education system stands apart from the society which establishes it, and education has purposes which it must achieve if that society is to continue in the right direction. Education, therefore, draws inspiration and nourishment from society and contributes in turn to social opportunities for growth and renewal.

In essence, Yorùbá educated elites should appreciate that education has to do with people's culture and tradition. Lester (1957: 9) rightly observes this when he defines education as:

The culture which each generation purposely gives is to those who are to be its successors, to qualify them for at least keeping up, and if possible for raising the level of improvement which it has attained.

The obvious implication is that it seems impossible to educate the child properly or effectively outside his cultural environment. Long More (1959: 7) justifies this when he says:

If a man does away with his traditional way of living and throws away his good customs, he had better be certain he has something worth more invaluable to replace them.

It is pertinent that scholars have not intensified much research effort on how a Yorùbá child can be taught Yorùbá numerals effectively through Yorùbá orature. Also, one should realise that the Yorùbá traditional society has something to proffer educational theory and practice, which is brought out lucidly in its educational pattern through a combination of precepts and orature. By orature we mean, rich corporal of texts as are derivable from folklore, proverbs, chants, recitations, songs, riddles, folktales, and incantations, presented in oral form for the aim of animating and influencing the behavior of each other in a speech society.

Yorùbá orature is used amongst the Yorùbá to express a thought in vivid metaphor, to describe a person or thing in more obscure metaphor, to provide a form of amusement and it has an instructive value. In essence, Yorùbá orature combines recreational and educational features. Some scholars have researched the study of Yorùbá traditional method of education; for example, Ajàyí 1990, examines riddles and the Yorùbá child: while Callaway (1975) explains indigenous education in Yorùbá society. Fáfúnwá (1975) concerns himself on education in the mother tongue among the Yorùbá people of Nigeria. Fájánà (1966) attempts to appreciate some aspects of Yorùbá traditional education and education policy in Nigeria traditional society in (1972) respectively. Also, Obidi (1997) writes on Yorùbá indigenous education in while Qlájubù (1978) dealt with the use of Yorùbá folktales as a means of moral education.

This paper has attempted a micro-study of Yorùbá orature as a means of teaching Yorùbá numerals. That is, the preceding writers have not examined the reading of numerals in the Yorùbá thought system.

occasions. Such occasions include a time of joy and sorrow. In essence, one could conclude that songs permeate Yorùbá life. Consequently, songs serve as one of the means through which the Yorùbá teach numerals, as discussed below.

II. ANALYSIS

In Yorùbá society, song serves as a means of communication. The Yorùbá people sing on all

Lílé: Ení bí ení Solo: One like one

Ègbè: Hê e Chorus: Yes

Lílé: Èjì bí èjì Solo: Two like two

Ègbè: Hê e Chorus: Yes

Lílé: Èta n tagbá Solo: Three is sure

Ègbè: Hê e Chorus: Yes

Lílé: Érin wòròkò Solo: Four is doubtful

Ègbè: Hê e Chorus: Yes

Lílé: Àrún ìgbódó Solo: Five is prompt

Ègbè: Hê e Chorus: Yes

Lilé: Èfà tièlè Solo: Six is slippery

Ègbè: Hê e Chorus: Yes

Lílé: Aro n báro Solo: Aro is aro

Ègbè: Hê e Chorus: Yes

Lílé: Mód'Erèkèsán Solo: I arrive Erèkèsán

Ègbè: Hê e Chorus: Yes

Lilé: Gbangba lèwá Solo: Ten is certain

Ègbè: Hê e Chorus: Yes

Èèrò wá wò wá o o People should come and watch us.

From the preceding example, it is observed that numbers one to ten are sung in a sonorous voice to teach the young ones the Yorùbá numerals. As the Yorùbá children are lovers of songs, it is very stress-free to teach them how to count one to ten. By rendering this song repeatedly, the act of counting becomes part and parcel of their knowledge.

culture. Like songs, ìwúre also permeates Yorùbá life. In essence, the Yorùbá pray on every occasion either in joy or sorrow. Therefore, it will not be a surprise if the Yorùbá uses ìwúre as one of the means of teaching their children numerals, as it is analysed below:

ìwúre ìwúre is the prayerful aspect of the oral medium of communication between man and gods in Yorùbá

Ení: Ànímó owó, ànímó ómò

Ànímó àìkú tíí șe baálè ɔrò, Àsè!

You will have more money; you will have more children. You will have long life which supersedes everything. Amen

From the above excerpt, one realizes that the Yorùbá can teach their children numerals accurately through supplicatory devices (ìwúre).

Ewì Eré Òşùpá (Moonlight Poetry)

It is important to note that in Yorùbá culture, children often go out during the moonlight time to socialize together. During this occasion, they chant various children's poems to display their intellectual wit.

Also, such chanting serves as the means of training their tongue or enhancing speech ability. In essence, moonlight poetry serves as means of education and even as a serious test of mental capacity. Here is an example:

Ó dení

Kámú gba lámù ká fi kámú Let's pick calabash from the pot and put it on top of the pot

Ó dèjì Kámú gba lámù ká fi kámú Ó dèta Kámú gba lámù ká fi kámú Ó dèrin Kámú gba lámù ká fi kámú Ó dàrún Kámú gba lámù ká fi kámú Ó dèfà Kámú gba lámù ká fi kámú Ó dèje Kámú gba lámù ká fi kámú Ó dèjo Kámú gba lámù ká fi kámú Ó dèsán Kámú gba lámù ká fi kámú Ó dèwá That is two Let's pick calabash from the pot and put it on top of the pot That is three Let's pick calabash from the pot and put it on top of the pot That is four Let's pick calabash from the pot and put it on top of the pot That is five Let's pick calabash from the pot and put it on top of the pot That is six Let's pick calabash from the pot and put it on top of the pot That is seven Let's pick calabash from the pot and put it on top of the pot That is eight Let's pick calabash from the pot and put it on top of the pot That is nine Let's pick calabash from the pot and put it on top of the pot That is ten

The above example is not only used to enhance children's smooth speech ability but mainly to teach them to count numerals from one to ten. When this is done repeatedly during the moonlight game, obviously, children become experts in counting. In totality, such moonlight poetry is an indirect way of teaching numerals in Yorùbá culture.

Esè Ifá (Ifá Corpus) Ifá corpus is not only used by the diviners to predict the future but also serves as a way of teaching young ones how to count numbers. This basic knowledge enriches children's prowls. The excerpt below is taken from Òyèkú Méjì, thus:

Òkan șoșo póró lóbìnrin dùn mọ lówó okọ Bí wón bá di méjì Wòn a dòjòwú Bí wón bá di méta Wòn a dèta n túlé Bí wón bá di mérin Wòn dìwọ ló rín mi ni mo rín ọ Bí wón bá di márùn-ún Wòn a di lágbájá lo ti run okọ wa tán Lóhun șușuușu Bí wón bá di méfà Wòn a dìkà Bí wón bá di méje Wòn a dàjé Bí wón bá di méjo One woman is the best for a husband If they are two They become rivals If they are three They become three to scatter the house If they are four They become you laugh at me; I laugh at you If they are five They become someone that ruins our husband' fortunes. If they are six They become wicked If they are seven They become witches If they are eight They become big-headed women

From the preceding, the researcher observed that the Ifá corpus teaches children the act of counting numerals. This system roots seriously in Yorùbá's traditional society.

Ewì Qmòdé (Children's Poetry)

In Yorùbá culture, some poems connect to children's games. Such poems are known as "Ewì

Ení bí ení lómódé í kawó Èjì bí èjì làgbà í tayò Èta bí èta e je kí a tara wa lóre Èrin bí èrin, ɛni rín ni làá rín Àrún bí àrún, baba má se wá l'árungún

Èfà bí èfà, ę jé ká fara wa móra

Èje bí èje, olúgbón sorò ó kìje

Èjò bí èjò, ɛni bíni làá jò

Èsán bí èsán, ilé mi á san ònà mi á san

Èwá bí èwá, wíwá ni a ń wá mó tówó ęni

It is realized from the above excerpt that "Ewì Qmòdé" is a device not only to teach children numerals but also to refresh their memory.

Àló Àpagbè (Folktales)

Folktales serve as a device not only to teach children good morals but also to teach them numerals in Yorùbá culture. A good example is a folktale titled, "Lákíti àti Ará Ê run" (Lákíti and Men of the heaven). In

Omòdé" (children poetry). Children render these types of poems during the moonlight game to open or commence the day's activities. The children usually render them one after the other to determine whether a child makes a mistake or a free performance. In essence, such poems serve to develop children's mental skills. For example:

One by one, children count money

Two by two, adults play ayò game

Three by three, let us exchange gifts

Four by four, you laugh at me I laugh at you

Five by five, father, don't make us a jobless people

Six by six, let us be cordial

Seven by seven, olúgbón's festival lasts seven days

Eight by eight, one resembles his parents

Nine by nine, my home will be well, my way will be okay

Ten by ten, let us look more for what we have the distant past, there was a quarrel between Lákíti and the men of the underworld, which invariably led to physical combat. The men of the underworld numbered ten confronted Lákíti in turns in a fight to finish the combat. The combat began with the one-headed man who came forward to slug it out with Lákíti in the presence of a large audience. Shortly after the combat started, the drummers commenced saying thus,

Instantly, Lákíti and the one-headed man started the fight, but it took Lákíti a few minutes to win by killing the challenger. The audience in attendance hailed Lákíti for defeating the one-headed man.

The two-headed man came out fully determined to challenge Lákíti in a fight. As soon as the contest begins, drummers continue to sing thus:

Lílé: Lákíti kò lè jà (bbl)

Ègbè: Njé ó lè jà? (abbl)

Solo: Lákíti cannot fight (etc)

Chorus: Can he fight? (etc)

Within a twinkle of eyes, Lákíti defeated the two-headed man by killing him. All the people hailed him for his victory.

The three-headed man came out desperately to fight Lákíti. This time it was a tug of war. The drummers commenced their usual song thus:

Lílé: Lákíti kò lè jà (abbl)

Ègbè: Njé ó lè jà? (bbl)

It took Lákíti no time to win the dwell by killing his challenger. The shout of joy over Lákíti's victory spread all over the places.

The four-headed man came out, and Lákíti defeated him in the same grand style. The five-headed man took his turn, and it was the same story of victory for Lákíti.

The six-headed man challenged Lákíti to the fight to finish the war. But luck was in Lákíti's favor.

The seven-headed man came out, aiming to defeat Lákíti. But, the whole thing was just like a dream because Lákíti recorded a victory over his victim.

Lílé: Lákíti kò lè jà (bbl)

Ègbè: Njé ó lè jà? (bbl)

The ten-headed man took the advantage that Lákíti was already tired of his previous fights. He unleased dead blows on Lákíti, and he dropped down dead. This event saddened the audience, and they went home disappointed and unceremoniously. The ten-headed man performed a miracle by resuscitating his fellow men, numbering nine, and all of them, including the ten-headed man, went home alive in happiness and elaborate jubilations. Surprisingly, Lákíti's son, who was the only one left behind, came out from his hide-out after all the ten men of the underworld had left to rescue his father. Both Lákíti and his son went home in joy too.

It is worth noting that one of the numerous devices adopted by the Yorùbá to teach the young ones numerals in society often uses the above folktale. Also, in the above folktale, Lákíti's challengers were numbered ten. He defeated the first nine, that is, one-headed man, two-headed man, three-headed man, four-headed man, five-headed man, six-headed man, seven-headed man, eight-headed man, and nine-headed man. But unfortunately, the ten-headed man defeated Lákíti as a result of his tiredness.

III. CONCLUSION

It is apparent to stress in this paper that the use of Yorùbá orature as a fundamental basis for teaching young ones the Yorùbá numerals ensues the culture

Solo: Lákíti cannot fight (etc.)

Chorus: Can he fight? (etc.)

The eight-headed man promised to give Lákíti a tough fight but all in vain. Lákíti claimed victory over his challenger.

The nine-headed man came out with full force to silence Lákíti just with a few blows. But Lákíti escaped defeat. This victory earned Lákíti instant popularity before the audience.

The ten-headed man came out so determined to avenge all the death blow that Lákíti had rained on his fellow men. As soon as the fight began, both the drummers and the signers went into action, thus:

Solo: Lákíti cannot fight (etc.)

Chorus: Can he fight? (etc.)

and tradition of the people. Also, teaching numerals effectively through Yorùbá orature has started in the distant past before the advent of westernization of Yorùbá education.

The various ways of imparting Yorùbá numerals into the knowledge of Yorùbá children are through song, iwúre, moonlight poetry, folktales, children poetry, and Ifá literary corpus. These various ways permeate the Yorùbá life because the system is deep-rooted in Yorùbá culture and tradition. The method should be encouraged to ensure that the children's upbringing is a continuing partnership between the school and Yorùbá society.

Finally, it is shown in this paper that the Yorùbá traditional society has something to offer for education theory and practice. Indeed, this fact, which sustains the teaching of Yorùbá numerals, is a reason why orature still continues as fundamental means by which we teach Yorùbá numerals to children despite the challenge of western education.